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Since Zhang Zuolin, the biggest power tycoon, and Sun Yixian, the most popular spiritual leader of the Kuomintang in China, finally "sympathized with each other" on issues related to China's leadership, they suggested and passed the proposal that "during the administrative vacancy of the country, Duan Qirui would be in charge temporarily. The "meeting" ended successfully on the surface with the resolution "as a transition before each faction formally accepts a new president or decides on a political system."
After the bargaining between the parties, a new "National Unification Committee" was created to negotiate unification matters.
This committee is different from the organization of the same name originally concocted by Zhang Hanqing. It has a total of 13 members, including 6 from the Feng clique: Zhang Zuolin, Sun Liechen, Wu Junsheng, Zhang Zuoxiang, Zhang Hanqing, and Wang Yongjiang; and 3 from the Anhui clique: Xu Shichang, Duan Qirui, and Jin Yunpeng. ; Three members of the Kuomintang faction and close branches: Sun Yixian, Feng Yuxiang, Sun Yue; and Shanxi Governor Yan Xishan, who has important influence in the north.
"The National Unification Council" is not an administrative agency, but a platform for all parties to negotiate important national affairs. In name, the supreme head of state of the Republic of China is still Duan Qirui, but a new official title of "in power" was created for him.
But Duan is just a symbol of national unity. He can neither "govern" nor "ask about politics" in normal times. He can only be regarded as an "audience". The real real power lies in the several committees equivalent to the cabinet established under the "National Unification Council". In fact, these committees do control the administrative power of the country.
The list of cabinet members for this term is as follows: Chairman of the Executive Committee Wang Yongjiang, Chairman of the Finance and Economics Committee Pan Fu, Chairman of the Agriculture Committee Mo Dehui, Chairman of the Industry and Commerce Committee Liu Shangqing, Chairman of the Education Committee Ma Yinchu (non-partisan), Chairman of the Transportation Committee Sun Yixian (Kuomintang), National Defense Committee Chairman Sun Liechen, Chairman of the Planning Committee Zhang Hanqing, Chairman of the Judiciary Committee Lin Xiang (Kuomintang, descendant of Lin Zexu), Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee Gu Weijun (ostensibly non-party, has been absorbed as a member of the People's Party).
¡°It is not surprising at all that in the newly formed cabinet, the Feng faction obtained all seven seats except for the chairman of the transportation, education, and judicial committees, cutting a big piece of the cake. Of course, each committee includes more or less people from all parties. The original decision to adopt the committee system was to open up more channels of expression.
These official positions are not important. Everyone is more concerned about the disposal of the army, because the most important part of national unity is the "nationalization of the army."
????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????? There is no definite statement on the concentration of the army yet. Everyone just sits together, talks, grumbles, and then goes back to prepare their armaments and prepare to strengthen. Therefore, basically the leaders of the powerful factions who have the army have to enter, except Sun Yat-sen.
?? Sun Liechen also plays the chief role in any arrangement. The committee members come from four other powerful factions:
Yan Xishan (Commander-in-Chief of the Shanxi Revolutionary Army, responsible for 5 divisions and 2 mixed brigades, totaling 110,000 people), stationed in Shanxi;
Feng Yuxiang (Commander of the 1st Army of the National Revolutionary Army, which has just been expanded to 3 divisions and 1 mixed brigade, more than 60,000 people) is stationed in Langfang, Hebei Province;
Sun Yue (Commander of the Second Army of the National Revolutionary Army, expanded from one brigade to two divisions, more than 30,000 people), stationed in Tongzhou, Beijing;
Only Sun Yat-sen, although he was the prime minister of the Kuomintang, the largest "political party" in China at the time, had no troops and no power, he deservedly became a member of the National Defense Committee. However, he has many affairs, and his representative in the National Defense Committee is his chief of staff in Guangdong, Li Liejun.
The Guangxi, Yunnan, Guizhou, and Sichuan cliques all sent people to express their recognition of the authority of the central government. For a while, it seemed that the great cause of China's unification had been completed.
The purpose of the existence of the National Defense Commission is only to coordinate the proportion of the various armies in the national military system and how to distribute benefits. The National Defense Committee cannot yet reach out to the armies of all parties.
Therefore, its existence is not of great significance. It is basically similar to the military status of the previous Army Chief in the Republic of China. This is why Zhang Hanqing did not serve on this committee and continued to let Sun Liechen, who was "accustomed" to a leisure life, serve.
However, when Zhang Hanqing takes action, he will definitely launch force to eliminate all warlords who dare to reject "unification". This is probably the wish of all powerful factions: Yuan Shikai did it, and the Anhui clique did it when they were strong.
For those with weaker strength, they are unwilling to hand over their military power, so there are the origins of "provincial autonomy" and "federal autonomy". When the Feng faction was still very weak, it also opposed "unification by force", but that was because it was still in its infancy. Once it thinks its strength is about the same, it will, like other warlords, establish a so-called "legitimate government" of "national unity".
This time, the so-called "National Conference" was held to open up wasteland, launching the National Assembly to discuss the restoration ofThis is actually the purpose of establishing legal unification, abolishing local autonomous governments, and achieving national unification.
From the perspective of China¡¯s most direct and realistic predicament at that time, the political system of federalism, federal provincial autonomy, and one country with multiple systems could, at least to a certain extent, curb the arbitrary behavior of various political careerists. In a negative sense, this was also a "relatively peaceful method" for China, which was actually in a state of division at that time, to re-enter the road of reunification.
This form of composite state system may be in line with China¡¯s national conditions, and China¡¯s actual situation may indeed be as analyzed by many scholars. But on the other hand, it actually falls into a theoretical misunderstanding.
Therefore, the opponents almost always base their arguments on China¡¯s national conditions.
One of the biggest peculiarities of China¡¯s national conditions is that in theory, no one is firmly opposed to autonomy and joint governance, but deep down in their hearts, they think about ¡°governing themselves¡± rather than ¡°governing others¡±. Those small warlords who are unable to expand their territory are more willing to cling to the sign of "autonomy." In other words, "autonomy" is actually likely to be interpreted as "government rule" or "military rule" rather than "people rule".
What¡¯s more, at that time, the Chinese people did not have the corresponding self-governance capabilities and needed long-term training. This inevitably leads to a problem. Once there is a conflict of interest, powerful people or groups will not easily give up their vested interests, let alone help the people participate in politics and restrain themselves.
Under Sun Yat-sen's persistent refusal, Zhang Zuolin was undoubtedly elected as the chairman of the "National Unification Committee" of the Republic of China. The "Planning Committee" headed by Zhang Hanqing did a lot of work to design the country's state system and political system, and basically reached an agreement with all parties to convene the election of the Legislative Yuan, that is, the Congress, half a year later. As for the political form, there is no specific conclusion yet.
During this period, Duan Qirui continued to be in power as a temporary power, exercising power on behalf of the country, but the actual administrative, military, diplomatic, personnel and economic powers were concentrated in the hands of the People's Party faction.
During this period, the People¡¯s Party¡¯s local organizations have taken root in various places and become a formal force that gradually plays a role in non-traditional local administration, causing dissatisfaction and vigilance from powerful factions in other places. (Remember the website address: www.hlnovel.com