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Chapter 1283: I decided not to hesitate to fight (2)

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    Contrary to the expectations of the base camp and the government, the invasion of southern French Indochina resulted in the asset freeze imposed by the United States, Britain and the Netherlands on Japan.

    Subsequently, Ambassador Nomura reported that the United States believed that the Japanese army's entry into the French Indochina was the first step in invading Singapore and the Dutch East Indies.

    ??And freezing assets is essentially a complete severance of economic contacts.  Since then, Japan's trade with areas outside the Yen Group has been cut off, and Japan has faced a serious critical moment of life and death in national defense.

    At this time, Japan completely lost access to liquid fuel, which is absolutely indispensable for the survival of a modern country.

    Facts have proved that even if we stop replenishing armaments and expanding other production sectors, and go all out to increase the production of artificial oil, it will not be able to meet the needs after all.

    Although there have been considerations of developing oil fields in the northern half of Sakhalin Island or importing oil from places such as Iran and Peru, these are just attempts by a drowning man to seek help.

    If this continues, the Japanese Navy will be completely incapacitated in about two years, and the important industries based on liquid fuel will be paralyzed in just one year. The so-called situation of becoming increasingly poor is inevitable.  Therefore, for Japan, cutting off economic ties is indeed more painful than using force.

    In addition to the deadly heavy pressure of the above-mentioned liquid fuel, the so-called ABCD (United States, Britain, China, and the Netherlands) in East Asia are increasingly encircling Japan. As the United States' armaments, especially the air force, increase, the Japanese and U.S. armaments  The gap has increased rapidly.

    Faced with the above-mentioned serious and critical situation in national defense, the Army and Navy at the base camp racked their brains to find countermeasures to open up the situation.

    In order to break the deadlock, Japanese Prime Minister Konoe Fumima even wrote a personal letter to US President Roosevelt, hoping to promote a US-Japan summit meeting.

    But Roosevelt had no interest in this at all. The most famous president in American history was a shrewd man. He saw through the Japanese ambitions in Southeast Asia at a glance and did not think that the Japanese would restrain themselves.

    As Roosevelt said before, there is no oil in the north that the Japanese need, not even a drop!

    If Japan wants to launch their tanks, they can only get oil from Southeast Asia. However, the United States, Britain and other countries are now unwilling to give it oil. So Japan has only two options at this time. The first is to give up the war of aggression and withdraw its troops from China.  The second is to go to war with Britain, the United States and other countries, and then seize oil by force.

    Compared with the former, President Roosevelt believed that the Japanese would take risks and choose to give it a go!

    In this case, it is absolutely impossible for the negotiation to be fruitful because there are fundamental differences between the two parties!

    Although there were still long-term negotiations between the United States and Japan afterwards, the result was indeed as Roosevelt expected. Every time the two sides negotiated, they repeated the same old tune, with nothing new, and it was completely nonsense!

    But the United States can afford it, so the United States is not in a hurry at all. Anyway, they have a complete domestic industrial system and almost all strategic resources.

    However, Japan could not drag on any longer. They originally hoped that conquering Changsha this time would force Chongqing to bow its head, and they could even use this victory to increase their international prestige and add chips to daily negotiations.

    After all, before this, the United States had decided to significantly support the Chiang Kai-shek regime in Chongqing. If Japan could defeat the U.S. aid recipients from the front, it would definitely be the biggest shock to the United States.

    But it is a pity that Japan did not achieve the expected strategic goals in the second Changsha Battle, which made Japan unable to be tough in negotiations with the United States.

    More importantly, more than half a year has passed since the time stipulated in the "Imperial National Policy Implementation Essentials" was passed by the top management. The army and navy have made corresponding war preparations, but until now, the top management still has not made up their mind to fight.

    Therefore, the base camp immediately urged the government and various departments to make a decision on peace or war in early October.

    That is, in order to prepare for war before late October, we must wait for the decision to go to war in early October to promote formal war preparations for war.

    Therefore, the Army and Navy High Command paid great attention to cabinet decisions and the war.  However, the deadline is approaching day by day, but negotiations with the United States are still stalled.

    The Minister of the Army and Navy was deeply concerned about this and made important suggestions to the government at the joint meeting. It was recommended that the "Implementation Guidelines for Imperial National Policies" should be followed and a decision on peace and war must be made by October 15 at the latest.

    ??As for the headquarters, if it wants to complete war preparations before the end of October, it must make a decision on starting the war at least two weeks ago.Mind you, this is inevitable, of course, and no wonder.

    However, this suggestion gave Prime Minister Konoe quite a shock.

    After the meeting, Prime Minister Konoe invited the cabinet ministers who attended the meeting to the Prime Minister's residence without even eating the lunch he had specially prepared, and asked: "Is this suggestion from the Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy really a strong request?"

    In response, Prime Minister Riku Tojo replied: "Of course it is a strong request. In fact, it is not so much a request, but it is just a repetition of the 'early October' decision of the Imperial Council. Therefore, this cannot be changed, and  We should make some calculations before that and decide to change our political strategy."

    Regarding Prime Minister Lu¡¯s answer, Konoe Fumima found it unacceptable and at the same time expressed his embarrassment.

    But the base camp seems to be unable to wait. Not long ago, Prime Minister Tojo used it to trace the several consecutive military actions that were inconsistent with the intentions of the government and the base camp during the Japanese army's entry into Vietnam.  Taking the opportunity, large-scale personnel adjustments were made.

    Even for this reason, Marshal Prince Zayin, Chief of Staff, was dismissed from his post on October 3 because he was directly responsible for this matter.

    You must know that Prince Zain has served as the chief of staff of the base camp since December of Showa 6. It has been ten years now, but he never expected to be dismissed from his post like this.

    In addition, Lieutenant General Sawada Shigeru, Deputy Chief of Staff, Major General Tominaga Kyoji, Chief of Operations, Major General Itachi Nishihara, Chairman of the Monitoring Committee in Vietnam, Lieutenant General Ando Rikichi, Commander of the South China Front, and relevant staff officers were also charged with responsibility.  They were successively dismissed from their posts, and Akito Nakamura, the commander of the 5th Division who was directly responsible for frontline operations, was also dismissed.

    Subsequently, at the proposal of Prime Minister Tojo, Marshal Sugiyama, the military counselor, was appointed as the chief of staff, Lieutenant General Tsukada, former commander of the 8th Division of the 3rd Army of the Kwantung Army stationed in Suiyang, was appointed as the deputy chief of staff, and the former chief of staff of the Mongolian Army  Major General Nagata Naka Shinichi is appointed as the Chief of Operations, and Major General Sumita Raishiro, former commander of the 6th Field Heavy Artillery Brigade, is appointed as the Chairman of the Dispatch Monitoring Committee in Vietnam.

    Even two days ago, Prime Minister Tojo Riku proposed that Lieutenant General Jun Haremiya, Chief of Staff of the China Expeditionary Forces Headquarters, be appointed as the commander of the South China Front, and Lieutenant General Matsui Tataro be appointed as the commander of the 5th Division.

    However, this proposal is still under discussion and has not been adopted.

    With no other choice, Konoe Fumima could only organize a very high-level five-phase meeting, that is, a joint meeting attended by the prime minister, land minister, maritime minister, foreign minister, and Tibetan minister.

    In fact, Prime Minister Konoe and Foreign Minister Toyota still hope to use diplomacy to open up the situation.

    Therefore, Foreign Minister Toyota directly expressed his opinion at the beginning of the meeting: "There is still room for compromise in the Japan-US negotiations. As long as there is some concession on the issue of troop garrison, there is hope. Continuing to increase troops to the French Indochina/Nantana will hinder negotiations."  A compromise was reached, so it was necessary to stop the troop surge."

    Prime Minister Konoe also said: "There is a considerable distance between the Japanese proposal on September 6 and the proposal on September 25. I wonder if the United States has misunderstood! If this is adjusted, a compromise can probably be reached."

    However, Army Minister Hideki Tojo has a different view on this: "I think there is no hope of reaching a compromise in the negotiations! Without the spirit of mutual compromise, negotiations cannot reach a compromise. So far, Japan has made concessions again and again.  In principle, it has recognized the four principles proposed by the United States. However, the current attitude of the United States shows no intention of compromise."

    The Prime Minister said: "I think we are currently at a fork in the road between diplomacy and war. Time is running out. Which path to choose should be decided by the Prime Minister. If you decide to choose diplomatic means, then stop  To prepare for war, rely solely on diplomacy and do not change policy midway."

    Tojo Hideki immediately said: "The problem is not that simple. The Army has already mobilized troops based on the decision of the Imperial Council. Today's diplomacy is different from ordinary diplomacy. Just trying diplomacy is not enough."

    "If we are sure that we can solve the problem according to our conditions and within the time limit required by the headquarters, we can stop preparations for war and adopt diplomatic channels. If this kind of certainty is unreliable, it will not work at all. Unreliability cannot solve such a major problem.  "

    There is a reason why Tojo Hideki said this. In Japan, the issue of commander-in-chief does not belong to the scope of state affairs.

    Even if the Prime Minister makes up his mind, it still won¡¯t work if the high command disagrees.  The opinions of the government and the high command must be unanimous, and then the emperor can be asked to make a ruling.

    Even if the Prime Minister makes a decision, the Minister of War cannot blindly follow it.

    If there is sufficient and convincing certainty, war preparations can be stopped and diplomatic approaches can be adopted.  If there is no certainty, even if the Prime Minister decides to take diplomatic channels, I cannot agree to it.

    Is the Foreign Minister sure?

    Although the French Indochina/Northern part is a trivial issue, the increase of troops to the French Indochina/Northern part is based on the decision of the Royal Council.  Therefore, even if there are some obstacles to diplomacy, there is nothing we can do.

    In the case of a stalemate, this meeting did not discuss a solution, so we had no choice but to bring the situation to the imperial court for discussion again!  (Remember the website address: www.hlnovel.com)?The additional troops in the northern part of French Indochina were based on the decision of the Imperial Council.  Therefore, even if there are some obstacles to diplomacy, there is nothing we can do.

    In the case of a stalemate, this meeting did not discuss a solution, so we had no choice but to bring the situation to the imperial court for discussion again!  (Remember the website address: www.hlnovel.com
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